The first discourse on the crisis of modernity emerged in the 19th century, in response to the growing social, political, and financial problems arising from the Industrial and French Revolutions. The creation of the Weimar Republic contributed to the original discourse, a clash between progressives and regressives resilient to society's technological and social advancements. Regressives, like Alexis de Tecqsueville, argue that the industrialization and modernization of societies destroys the chances of a functioning democracy and opens the way to a new world of cultural change. While progressive thinkers, like Aguste Comte, believed that this industrialization was more of a pawn in the modernization of a society, where industrialization in this case promoted sociality, that issues that would unite or divide people would be settled in a more democratic and egalitarian framework. path. What was problematic, as Comte theorized, was politics and dialogue. Politics and dialogue were based on outdated foundations, which were irrelevant to him, it had become clear that all realities operated according to the same Newtonian principles: "The only danger to fear, the only precaution necessary, explains - it is that of not allowing ourselves to be diverted to the end by the intrigues of ambitious men, who dispute among themselves the fallen vestiges of the old system. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on “Why Violent Video Games Should Not Be Banned”? Get the original essay Therefore, as a precautionary measure, technological progress should be guided by the virtue of the state, if democracy was to benefit the citizen. This emphasis on democratic culture, seen as the promise of modernity and the only way for a society not to succumb to an oppressive society. In the context of the Weimar Republic, the second discourse on modernity is useful in examining its downfall. This second discourse revolved around financial crises and the Keynesian welfare states that emerged in response to these crises. The rise of National Socialism and the consolidation of power could not have occurred without the delicate political culture that formed before the events of World War II. A key factor in this dissolution has been the growing challenge from the elite class. Once traditionally responsible for state functions, the newly formed republic assumed many of these functions, such as that of high-ranking officials and members of the armed forces, employers, and large land and agrarian owners. Together they posed a likely threat to the republic. The justice system is a prime example in highlighting the divide between the elites and the republic, issuing verdicts regarding politically motivated crimes, demonstrating that they viewed these types of crimes as simply a "patriotic" action and thus immediately. The actions merit only minor punishments, while those who committed crimes on the left received much harsher verdicts. Very often, lawsuits against right-wing motivated attacks have been dismissed or suppressed. Local and federal governments have attempted to address these blatant abuses of power; Little progress was made, however, until much later when younger, more liberal judges were appointed. Likewise, these changes have occurred in the aforementioned areas. This is a common phenomenon in history; the public sector was subject to fluctuations between political affiliations and expansion into new social policy functions. As long as the workers.